At the end of June in 1863, three Union
Army regiments from Vermont marched toward Gettysburg, Pennsylvania.
A Confederate commander had taken his troops there in search of
shoes. Some of his troops had an encounter with Union men, shots had
been fired, and both Union and Confederate Commanders had sent word
for all available troops to get to the Pennsylvania college town as
quickly as possible. All nine roads leading into Gettysburg began to
clog with incoming troops.
The 2nd Vermont Brigade
was made up of five regiments, all comprised of men who had
volunteered for a nine month tour. The 2nd Vermont had
wintered in Fairfax, Virginia. They had been in a few small
skirmishes, and their original commander had been captured, but all
in all, they had seen no real action. There were Upper Valley
soldiers in three regiments, the 12th, the 15th,
and the 16th.
The 12th Vermont regiment
had companies from West Windsor, Woodstock, Tunbridge and Bradford,
with men from Hartland, Barnard, Pomfret, Chelsea, Corinth, Bradford,
Newbury and Fairlee as well. The 15th Vermont had a
company from West Fairlee, with men from Vershire, Thetford,
Strafford, Bradford and Newbury. The 16th Vermont had
companies from Bethel; including men from Royalton, Barnard and
Norwich, and Barnard; including men from Hartford, Sharon, Pomfret
and Hartland.
On July 1, our boys from Vermont had
been on forced march for five days, in weather that was alternately
rainy, humid, dry and dusty, but always, always hot. As they got
closer to Gettysburg, the roads became more and more packed with
regiments on the move. Howard Coffin, in his book “Nine Months to
Gettysburg”, quotes Private Ralph Sturtevant of the 13th
Regiment. “The morning of July 1 was cloudy and gloomy, all was
commotion and confusion and the vast army all about was moving in the
direction of Gettysburg....a grand and imposing spectacle. Every
road was filled with a moving mass of soldiers occupying every
available avenue, path or field over which an army could march.
Everything seemed to be on the move, the forest, cattle-dotted
meadowlands, fields of waving grain, the clouds about and the land
beneath, all apparently moving in the same direction.”
The numbers alone are almost too
overwhelming to comprehend. The 2nd Vermont arrived at
Gettysburg at sundown, after the first day's battle was over.
Statistics vary, but the most commonly. quoted numbers are more or
less 20,000 Union troops and around 30,000 Confederate troops on that
first day. 50,000 soldiers fighting in a college town roughly the
size of White River/Wilder. If you imagine White River downtown as
the town, and Wilder being mostly flat farmland with ridges all around it, you could get a
somewhat reasonable picture of the size of the battlefields, with the battlefields extending all the way from, say, the top of the hill where Hartford High School is to Dothan Brook School, but much wider, really wider than you can see. On that first
day, while the 2nd Vermont was still marching, fighting
was fierce in the ridges, woods and stone walls around the town,
sometimes spilling over into the town itself. Day One was a defeat
for the Union. They withdrew through the town, forming a three mile
long defensive line in a fishook formation, on Cemetary Hill and
Cemetary Ridge south of the town.
You can see from the map (which I got
off of Wikipedia) that on day one the fighting started north of
town, the Union forces were driven through the town, and they managed
to form a defensive line on Cemetery Hill and Cemetery Ridge. If Lee
had been able to regroup his troops real quick at the end
of that
first day, and break through that fishhook line, Gettysburg would
have been a one day battle and a Confederate victory. Confederate
commanders decided not to try to take Cemetery Ridge because they
felt their troops were too exhausted and that it would be better to
wait for reinforcements. The view from Cemetary Ridge. I think this road is the Baltimore Pike, and I wouldn't be surprised if this isn't a tree
from the Copse of Trees
The Union's defensive position on
Cemetery Hill and Ridge was crucial. Cemetery Hill right in the
middle of all the roads leading into town, and also gave a commanding
view of the town. The Baltimore Pike, running right in back of
Cemetery Hill, was the most important road to the Union. This road
ran north from Westminster, Maryland, which was the location of the
railroad station where the Union Army offloaded supplies destined for
Pennsylvania. General Mead, Commander of the Army of the Potomac,
used the telegraph office in Westminster as his communication line to Washington.
The 2nd Vermont arrived at
Gettysburg at dusk on July 1. The battle was over for that day, but
the evidence of battle would have been everywhere. They were
directed to lay down to rest near a copse of trees on Cemetery Ridge. Keep these trees in mind. Our guys didn't move far from this copse of trees until they left Gettysburg.
Upon arrival, the 12th regiment was ordered to go back 20
miles, to guard supply trains in Westminster. Howard Coffin quotes a
letter from Roswell Farnum, from Bradford, second in command of the
regiment. Farnum says, “Most of them (the troops) have blistered
feet and I saw one man today whose feet were purple over two thirds
of the bottom from blood settling. We marched eight days in
succession and marched twenty-three and a half miles on the last day.
It rained every day but one. The roads were very muddy and the mens'
shoes gave out entirely in some instances.” The 12th was
about to march for 20 more miles. The next day, the 15th
regiment was ordered to guard supply wagons 2 ½ miles outside town.
This left the 13th, 14th, and 16th
regiments on the battlefield.
On the second day, fierce fighting
occurred all around the Union's fishhook defense line on Cemetery
Ridge. If you look at the map, there were engagements in the Peach
Orchard, Devil's Den, and from Wolf's Hill, all with Cemetery Ridge
as their ultimate objective. These engagements are all worth studying.
The fighting at Devil's Den and the fighting over Little Round top
are especially legendary. The 2nd Vermont was not the only
Vermont Brigade at Gettysburg. The 1st Vermont was there
and th Vermont, which, along with the
13th and 14th, stayed on the defense line at
Cemetery Ridge. Although the battle didn't reach the ridge, they were
being shelled and fired on.
held a reserve position at the rear of Big Round Top. There were
Vermonters in three companies of sharpshooters, who fought on the
second and third days. Here, I am just focusing on the the 16
Toward evening, a gap developed in the
Union's line. Advancing Georgian soldiers almost made it over
Cemetery Ridge, but Union soldiers, including the 13th
Vermont, beat them back, with the 14th and 16th
as backup. The three Vermont units then took their places to fill the
gap on the front line. At the end of the day, the fishhook was
intact, although two days of brutal fighting had certainly taken its
toll.
When night had finally fallen, Colonel
Veazey posted a picket line along the ridge. Howard Coffin quotes
Francis Clark from Bridgewater, who described the scene at about
9:00. “Here and there the moon revealed, amid the trampled grain,
prostrate forms, whom no long roll, or reveille, could rouse again.
The air was tremulous with sound, low and almost indescribably,
resembling a far-off and just audible moaning of a forest of pines.
It was the groaning of the wounded swelling up from field and wood
and blending for miles in one low inarticulate moan.” The 16th Vermont ended their day sitting on cemetary ridge, in the dark, hearing the sounds of many thousands of wounded and dying men,
For the three Vermont regiments, the
morning of July 3rd began with incoming cannonfire. Lee's
plan for July 3rd was much the same as for the preceding
day. July 2nd had ended in an unsuccessful Confederate
attempt to capture Culp's Hill. Looking now at a map of the battle on Day 3, Culp's Hill
is on the right flank of the Union line.
The curved part of the fishhook ends at Culp Hill. The fishhhook is a little bit longer. The Union has lengthened the defensive line to include Little Round Top hill and Round Top hill. Starting with the
cannonfire at 4:30 AM, Confederate troops attacked Culp's Hill for 7
hours. At 11:30, Lee realized this tactic wasn't going to work. At
noon, the fight for Culp's Hill was over.
Lee was still determined that this was
it. The Confederate forces needed to damage the Union here at
Gettysburg. He felt that this was the decisive moment of the war.
He had attacked both ends of the fishhook, and had failed at both.
Efforts to capture Little Round Top and Round Top during the morning on
early July 2nd had failed. Efforts to capture Culp's Hill
during the evening of July 2nd and morning of July 3rd
had failed as well. At noon on July 3, Lee decided that the Union
line was weakest in the middle, and that would be the spot to focus
Confederate strength.
For the boys from Vermont, noon was
dead quiet and blisteringly hot. Some of the guys went to a nearby
spring to fill canteens, and were shot at by rebel sharpshooters
sitting in trees within range of the Spring. A quote from Coffin's
book says that our soldiers are about one-third of a mile south of
Cemetery Hill, at the foot of the west slope of Cemetery Ridge.
For an hour, there was dead quiet.
Then at 1:00, all hell broke loose. 150 Confederate cannons began a
bombardment that lasted for an hour and a half. The Union responded
in kind, and both sides became enmeshed in an earsplitting exchange
of shot and shell. In “Pickett's Charge”, by Richard Rollins, a
soldier says, “The bombardment opened up with a fury beyond
description. The earth seemed to rise up under the concussion, the
air was filled with missiles, and the noise and din were so furious
and overwhelming as well as continuous, that one had to scream at his
neighbor lying beside him to be heard at all. The constant roar of
nearly four hundred cannon on both sides, was terrific beyond
description. Men could be seen bleeding from both ears from
concussion.” With the bombardment, Lee hoped to weaken the Union
defenses enough to make them easier to overwhelm by an attack. In reality, most of the
shells landed to the rear of Union forces. On the other hand, Union
shells met their mark, and inflicted a fair amount of damage.
At 2:30, the shelling stopped as
suddenly as it started, and an eerie silence returned. Then, in the
distance, a mile-long line of Confederates stepped out of the woods
and began a slow, measured march across the fields in front of
Cemetery Ridge. From the beginning of their mile-long march toward
their objective of a clump of trees on the middle of the ridge, the
Confederate soldiers were mowed down by guns defending the Union
line. Returning fire the whole way, the rebels closed ranks and kept
coming. A quote from Coffin's book says, “On they came, regardless
of the carnage among them, nearer and nearer, until horse and rider,
officer and private, standards and banners waving in the lead plainly
seen, almost within musket range, the right wing now face to face
with Stannard's brigade.”
As the Confederates advanced closer
and closer to Cemetery Ridge and the copse of trees in the middle,
they seemed to be headed directly toward the 14th Vermont.
The three Vermont regiments opened fire and “at every volley, the
grey uniforms fell thick and fast” (Coffin). The attack was headed
toward “The Angle” a part of the Union line that made a corner
around a stone wall. The Confederates kept coming, regardless of the
fact that Union fire had made huge gaps in their line. It looked
like, in spite of overwhelming odds, the southern onslaught was going
to break through the Union line
As the Confederate wave attacked the
Union position at the angle, George Stannard realized that their
right flank was completely exposed. He ordered the 13th
and the 16th to swing around at a right angle and face the
attackers at their right flank. All that time spent drilling while
they were hanging out in Vermont ended up being time well spent, as
this was a maneuver our guys had practiced many times. The 13th
and 16th fired at almost point-blank range into
Confederate ranks. This drove the Rebels back and made them bunch
up, making them even more vulnerable to Vermont firepower.
It appeared that the fighting at The
Angle had ended, with Vermont's men taking hundreds of prisoners and
the flag of the 8th Virginia becoming a possession of the
16th Vermont, when yet another enemy contingent attacked.
Again, Stannard sent his men into the fray, and hundreds more
prisoners were taken, and another flag captured, the flag of the 2nd
Florida, taken by Charles Brink, of Weathersfield, also of the 16th.
In later years, the spot of the
engagement between Vermont troops and the Confederates from Virginia
and Florida at the Angle would become known as the “High Water
Mark”, the northernmost spot where Southern troops advanced into
Union territory. There, Vermont troops overpowered the Southern
invaders and sent them back into the South. The war would last for
another two years, with the Confederacy always on the defensive.
After that final encounter, the three
Vermont regiment returned to their original position, and weathered a
last barage, delivered by Confederate artillery as a cover for their
retreating infantry. During those final moments, General Stannard
was wounded by a piece of shrapnel that hit his thigh and went down
deep into the muscle. Although in agonizing pain, Stannard waited to
receive medical care until he was sure all his remaining men were
safe.
Of the original 2400 men at
Gettysburg, 342 of the 2nd Vermont were killed, wounded or
missing in action. Of the 5 regiments comprising the brigade, there
were soldiers from the Upper Valley in the 12th, 15th,
and 16th, and only the 16th saw action on the
actual battlefield at Gettysburg. An article by Anthony Buono,
originally printed in “America's Civil War Magazine” available
online at Historynet, quotes praise from Major General George Meade
and Major General Abner Doubleday regarding Stannard and his Vermont
regiments. “Meade said, 'There was no individual body of men who
rendered a greater service at a critical moment then the
comparatively raw troops commanded by General Stannard.' Major
General Abner Doubleday said: 'It is to General Stannard…that the
country is mainly indebted for the repulse of the enemy's charge and
the final victory of July 3. [His] brilliant flank movement…
greatly contributed to if it did not completely insure our final
success.”
(I didn't want to interrupt the narrative of Pickett's Charge with a map, but here is a map depicting the charge. You can see that of all of the Brigades named, they were all defensive except Stannard's. Stannard's men are shown with arrows going back toward Pickett's incoming arrow, which indicates that they counterattacked in two directions. Again, I got all of these maps from Wikipedia.)
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